Simon Ginn of Aston died 1603

 Simon here forms the start of a short series of posts on those Ginns of Aston who while clearly related to, are not descended from, the William Ginn of Aston in my post of 22nd June 2012.          .

We have seen that Thomas Ginn, yeoman of Aston in the mid 1440s was the first Ginn there.  It logically follows that the Aston Ginns that followed are all descended from him

We have also seen that that Thomas had what had been the demesne farm, ie the farm of the Lord of the Manor and that Reading Abbey, then then Lord, had granted this copyhold to the Ginns back in the 1400s, when amazingly (this is so far back) the Plantagenet line were still Kings of England.  But there was a catch.  Medievalist Professor Mark Bailey has pointed out to me that because this was demesne land, if the Ginns did not have a male heir in succession, for even one generation, then the whole farm, the whole 220 acres reverted back to the Manor.  So it was essential for each generation of Ginns to ensure that this did not happen.  

Now the standard manorial rule for inheritance was primogeniture, ie everything went to the first born son.  Simple.  But what if you were not sure who was the first born son - what if there were twin sons.  That seems to have been the fate that hit the Estate of Thomas Ginn of Aston when he died in 1526 - see post June 22nd 2012 ) Because Thomas left his farm in his will to his son William whose claim was "by right" said Thomas.  But the Manorial Court differed.  Thomas Ginn's widow Joan (by now remarried to Laurence Benn) thought that the heir should be John Ginn, William's brother.  There was an argument as to who was born first. The implication also is that William was not yet married, John was.  John it was said was to provide for William as long as William needed it, and provide William with some money and farm animals as compensation.

                                         Aston church

The implication has always been that they were not sure who was the eldest son.  And perhaps the family wanted to make sure that they "bet on the right horse" giving inheritance to a married man with children, not risking losing the farm to the Manor by giving it to a bachelor.  This sort of thing on top of the weather, blight and pests was one of the worries that beset Tudor farmers.

But it is pretty clear that by the 1530s William had married (this is before parish registers) and it seems equally clear that Simon Ginn here and a daughter Alice were two of the children, probably the only two that survived. I first researched this back in the early 1990s.

I am as English as they come says my Ancestry DNA, but have always been a Republican (not much time for the Royals) but, oddly Elizabeth the 1st (Good Queen Bess) has always been something of a heroine of mine, she was quite a woman. And oddly, by a quirk o fate, Simon Ginn and the Queen entered this world roughly at the same time and left it almost together.

Simon Ginn was born in about 1533 - no baptism entry survives of course, it is too early.  He would have been born in a cottage pretty much like that in the cutaway image below, with a Hall (living room) with an open fire venting smoke through a hole in the roof, a Chamber (a downstairs bedroom/sleeping quarters) and (the houses were only designed for one storey) a loft area squeezed in above to which access was gained by a ladder and used for storage or sleeping, in the latter case it would have been flat truckle beds on the floor or mattresses - straw, flock (cut up wool) or feather (for those with some spare cash) piled up, there would not have been the height for a standing bed or four poster.

As the Tudor era advanced, brick chimney stacks came to be built for even ordinary people, the hole in the roof was closed off (a major fire hazard removed) and the chimneys allowed the creation of upper storeys and by opening the chimney stack on the upper floor the creation of fresh hearths and heating there.  In most houses, even cottages, a staircase to facilitate this was squeezed in and the upper storey was used for further chambers/bedrooms, but these would have had height restrictions, they were squeezed into the house, and a standing man (men were luckily shorter then) would have had to duck quite sharply to avoid hitting his head.

But the cottages were havens for disease.  The ground floor flooring was beaten earth, it was covered with strewn rushes or straw or sawdust and these were no bathrooms of course and people scarcely washed.  There was a constant musty, unpleasant smell and insects and small rodents lived in the detritus on the floor.  Disease was literally living in most houses waiting for an opportunity to develop.  The Dutch theologian Erasmus visited England several times in the 1500s, he suffered from ill health and craved cleanliness and ventilation,  his thoughts on English  houses follow.......

"The floors are, in general, laid with white clay, and are covered with rushes, occasionally renewed, but so imperfectly that the bottom layer is left undisturbed, sometimes for twenty years, harbouring expectoration, vomiting, the leakage of dogs and men, ale droppings, scraps of fish, and other abominations not fit to be mentioned. Whenever the weather changes a vapour is exhaled, which I consider very detrimental to health... I am confident the island would be much more salubrious if the use of rushes were abandoned"

Not very pleasant then.

Simon Ginn married Marion Hyde at Aston in 1562 - four years after Elizabeth the First ascended the throne.  It is unclear if Marion was an Aston girl.  They stayed in that parish and it seems obvious that Simon inherited his father William Ginn's freehold cottage which would have given him the vote as a freeholder, in a time when scarcely one in ten men could vote.  This would have also given him some status and Simon referred to himself as a Yeoman, but though born to that class Simon was at best a Husbandman.  The couple did not have that much money, but the records make it clear that these were decent people, they tried to do the proper thing, and that is just about the best that can be said about any of us.

I know quite a lot about their living conditions.  Whether they lived in Aston or Aston End (nearer Stevenage) seems unclear. But although Simon and Marion may have had a chimney put in the house (and even that is arguable)  they never created a proper  second storey, the  conversion was fairly basic as no staircase appears to have been put in, just two lofts were created above two rooms and nothing over the Hall.  On the ground floor was the Hall and a Chamber and a small Buttery (where the butter was churned and the Cow (they had a black cow) milked.  There was a loft above the Buttery and one above the Chamber - both presumably accessed by ladders (there were three ladders in the house).  So they still only had a fire in the Hall and may still have had that open to a hole in the roof. There were two beds and mattresses and bed linen (mostly towen rather than flaxen - towen was cheaper) in the loft above the Chamber and two beds etc in the Chamber itself.  This is a cottage that I know at one time accommodated seven adults, so people (as was common at the time and later) shared a bed - hopefully not with the maid/relation who helped out (see below).  Out the back were a few sheep and scattered geese and hens like in the illustration above.

It must have been tough.  I am sure Simon had a field or two or the equivalent, but I doubt he held much land.  He had the right to turn animals on the common and to gather wood from it, but it would have been a hard life - never quite being sure that the next meal was coming - all they really had was the cottage.

But the couple had four sons, and it is a tribute to Marion and her niece by marriage (see below) that they brought all four sons to adulthood if not middle age, Marion kept disease out of the home.

Simon Ginn was close to his sister Alice.  She is the subject of the next post.  She had married in 1559 and had children, but lost her husband soon after, then remarried a William Chilterton at Aston in 1565, had five further children by him and then he died aged 50 or so in 1578.  Alice died in late 1579 leaving a whole string of orphans, many of primary school age.  She left a will and made brother Simon her executor.

Simon and Marion clearly did the decent thing and took care of some of the children - they scarcely had room.  One child, Marion Chilterton (probably named after her Aunt) was barely eight when Alice died, and Simon and Marion clearly took her in.  She  stayed with them for at least two decades and in time helped Marion Ginn around the house and I suspect became something of a sister to the four Ginn boys, her first cousins.

Simon and Marion saw out virtually the whole of the reign of Elizabeth the 1st together, enduring flood, storm, very harsh winters and living through the great victory over the Spanish Armada in 1588.  It is quite likely that some of the Ginn boys were in the Militia, the records for Aston do not survive.

But in January 1603 the Queen got ill, and so did Simon.  The Queen lingered for a couple of months, we know that that January was snowy and damp; but on 24th January Simon made his will.  It was written up by William Middleton, the Rector of neighbouring Benington, and the original will survives (Herts Archives).  It was a close run thing, because Simon was buried on 26th January.  Like the Queen, he was about 69, a fair age for the time.

            Original Will of Simon Ginn - signature below

At the time of Simon's death all four sons still lived in the house, the youngest was 29; either Marion had made them  all too comfortable, their sexuality was an issue or none of them could afford to strike out on their own, perhaps a combination of all of the above.

Simon left the cottage to Marion for life and then to his eldest son William (aged 40 in 1603) and small sums to the other three children, a ewe to Marion Chilterton.

Marion Ginn lived on through the ill fated Gunpowder Plot of 1605 and died at the end of 1609 when she would have been about 72 given her age at the birth of her youngest child.  Her will was made of Christmas Eve .

Her Will and Inventory (Herts Archives) are informative, they are how I know so much about the living arrangements.  All four sons were then still alive and Marion was concerned that those at home were OK providing that "the table in the haule and the forme and the cobbard shall remayne there for so longe as anye of my said children shall remaine in the house". William got the black cow and, obviously, the cottage, but a sibling or two was still there. The original will with her signature survives (below)

The children of Simon and Marion

William - he was 46 when his mother died and clearly not married.  He inherited the cottage according to his right but it was obviously later taken over by his younger brother Thomas so he died without issue,  There is no burial entry that I can find.

Robert - he was also alive in December 1609 aged about 43.  I have always considered him (but cannot prove it) the Robert Ginn who went to neighbouring Walkern, being in the Muster records of 1605 having gone there after his father died.  That fellow married Mary Burdett in Walkern in 1608.  Robert would then have been 42 and it seems likely that Mary was of a similar age because there were no children.  Robert died at Walkern in 1625 aged about 60.

Walkern by legend is so named because when the church was being built the stones laid mysteriously  moved each night after the masons had left.  It was considered the work of the Devil and the Hertfordshire locals told him to "walk on!".  In 1711 it was the scene of  one of the last witches  in England to be condemned to death - Jane Wenham - who lived in a hovel in the village.  The sentence was commuted and she lived out the rest of her life in peace, the case having caused a public outcry and leaflets (below) published in her defence.

Edward - was alive and 38 in December 1609.  I am sure he was at home.  There is no evidence of marriage or children and I am equally sure he died without issue because his brother Thomas inherited the cottage.  There does not appear to be a surviving burial record.

Thomas - born in 1574 is the only of the four brothers who may well have descendants alive today - though they likely do not know it.  We will deal with him shortly

Richard Ginn of Stocking Pelham died after 1605

 Richard here was one of the "Band of Brothers" post (see  August 9th 2012) until now, but discovering that he had more descendants than first thought, then in 2024 extracting some documents that I had first seen thirty years ago, I thought that I would create a separate post for him.

Richard is what I call a "ghost" in that there is no parish record showing that he even existed.  But the guy was born in circa 1544, married, had apparently quite a large family and was at least in his 6os when he died having lived a full life for the time.  The only way you can know that he existed at all is through secondary sources.

Richard was one of the sons of William Ginn of Great Hormead who died in 1568 leaving a will- see post of  26th June 2012 .

I knew as early as 1990 (from the will of his brother Jonas of 1605) that Richard had married and had a family and was nor far from Standon, and there were realistically only two places he could have gone where there were no surviving parish records for the period, and the favoured and most likely was Stocking Pelham, and that is where he went.

He likely married at Stocking Pelham in the early to mid 1570s, I obviously know nothing of his wife, and the implication (his brother's will again) is that the couple had a good sized family, although I only know one name.

                                             Rich(ardus) Gynne in  Manorial Roll

Richard Ginn was a Tailor.  He is in the 1583 Muster Roll for Stocking Pelham and starts to appear as a Juror in the Manorial Court Records that survive for a couple of decades of this period (Cambridge Archives   488/ )

Although he was a Tailor, the fact that he appears in the Manorial Roll indicates that he was a copyholder and owned his own cottage, although I do not know the name of the tenement nor where this was.

Stocking Pelham is a tiny parish, no more than one mile square and there were only about thirty households there then, a mere 150 souls live there now.

Life in a a Tudor village would seem very strange to us.  There was little in the way of a centralised Law and Order then, the rules and customs by which you lived your day to day life were set down by the Parish and the Manorial Court and essentially the community in which you lived.  You were not allowed to cause discord by leaving debris on the highway, you did not cause a disturbance or trespass and the sense of community was such that if you had a plough or oxen you may have to lend them to a poorer neighbour at sowing time, help with his harvest later in the year.  There was church going and a sense of community unknown now, but the flip side of that was that everybody knew their neighbour's business and had an opinion on it, and in an age where English people were far more loud and aggressive than they are now, disputes were often settled by violence, many men went armed with at least a knife, a yeoman a sword.

Whilst most of the Stocking Pelham Manorial records are in Latin (as they were supposed to be pre 1733) it is evident that the men of the Manor were having meetings and discussions at the Manorial Court and were setting down the rules and regulations by which they were to live.  And these have survive and are in English.  And fascinatingly to mark their agreement the rules were set down and underneath the men inscribed their names and signatures.

Pigs for example roamed pretty freely in a Tudor village.  Most people had them.  They lived on scraps and rubbish and were cheap and provided salted pork and smoked bacon in the winter when life was hard, and ready money if driven to market in November which was the traditional culling time.  The peasant had the right to turn his pigs onto common land and into the common woods and thickets to eat acorns and other nuts and fruit in season (the right of "pannage").  And pigs were obviously marked to identify them and commonly a herder (perhaps a boy from the village) would be employed for few pennies to keep the common drove in check - for a large rooting pig could be destructive.  And for this reason they were given painful nose rings for much of the year.

                                  Looking after the pigs

Stocking Pelham had rules about pigs.  You can see below the "minutes" if you will of the Manorial Court discussion on them and other matters signed by Richard Ginn and the other men at the time of the Spanish Armada in 1588.  Here is a partial transcription

We saye that everie man that keeps hoges in thys parysh that they kepe them rynged between hollentyde and mydsomer and for everie hoge that is tak unrynged in that tyme he shall leve (levy ie pay a fine of) ............iiiid

                               Stocking Pelham Meeting with Richard's mark below

Hollontide was an archaic expression foe All Saint's Day or 1st November.  A Festival, when there was merrymaking, bonfires, ghostly stories (in that think Halloween) and when countrymen would slaughter animals in readiness for winter when animal food was scarce and thus they could no longer afford their livestock.  Midsummer was also a festival (think Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream) also known as St John's Day or 24th June when people went a bit mad with drink, dancing and things that outraged the church!)

The surviving manorial rolls end in 1591 and then there is a thirty year gap.  Richard was still in the 1591 records.  He is known to have been alive (and presumably still in Stocking Pelham) in September 1605 (when he would have been about 60) because he was left £5 in the will of his brother Jonas.  Whether his wife was alive is unknown.

The children of Richard and his wife (or wives)

Harry (Henry) - is the only one I know by name.  In Jonas' will he leaves a cottage in Standon to "Harry Gynne of Chessune (Cheshunt) my brother Richard Gynne's son".  Harry Ginn was in Cheshunt by 1598.  See post of  9th August 2012

Others - these people have plagued me for well over thirty years.  Jonas left twenty shillings to be divided by "the reste of my brother Richard Gynne's children to be equally divided between them when they come to the age of twenty one yeares"

I have speculated long and hard as to who these were.  There are no surviving Stocking Pelham parish registers and scant manorial rolls. They could be the Richard, Nethaniah and William who turn up in Ware just after 1600 - perhaps following their brother Harry down that way) (see post of  1st August 2020) and if so this guy's grandson, also Richard, fought in the English Civil War.  It is all speculation - clues are elusive and it is doubtful the truth will ever be found.

John Perient Esquire of Digswell died 1432

 In 1538, George Gill of Wyddial married Gertrude Perient.  So all of those Ginns descended from Mary Gill (see post of Feb 21st 2023 ) are descended from the  early Perient family of Hertfordshire and thus from the John Perient mentioned here.

I first researched John Perient (there are various spellings of his name) in the original records at what was then the Public Record Office in London (now the National Archives in Kew) nearly thirty years ago.  From what I can see, my notes are still by far the most comprehensive research on the man because nobody has ever really produced a biography.  He is still one of the most fascinating people I have ever researched.

In the late 1300s there is a reference in the records to a John Peraunt who in 1385 was made a Sergeant at Arms to our King Richard the Second.  There were twenty or so such men, and their role (they carried a ceremonial mace) was to travel the Kingdom of England to enforce the King's orders and at times take administrative roles ("in the King's name!")

I found Peraunt several times in the records - at one time he collected a prisoner from Corfe Castle in Dorset (which I visited as a boy - it is now a ruin) and in 1405 (now in service to King Henry the Fourth) the guy took control of the Channel Islands for a time.  I can find  no record of him after 1409, when it is supposed he died or left the King's service.  It has been suggested that he is the father of the John Perient mentioned here.  I think it highly likely.

John Perient here was born in Brittany, likely around 1370.

Brittany, though part of France, had originally been populated (as the name suggests) by Celtic Britons from the west of Britain, fleeing overseas from  the invading Germanic Anglo-Saxons (later the English - I am simplifying here) who were pushing the Britons further west into Cornwall (Corn welsh)  and Wales ( Welsh) the term "wealas" being Saxon for "foreigner".

So the Bretons did not feel any particular allegiance to France, and often (either for money or land or both) took service with foreign armies against the King of France.

The English had been fighting the French since 1337 (the Hundred Years War 1337-1453) and for the best part of the first hundred years were winning easily (Battles of Crecy, Poitiers etc) often under the command of Edward the Black Prince (of Wales) a great English warrior who was the first to wear the three lions on his shirt, now a symbol of England.

                                                          The Black Prince

I have read that John Perient entered service with the English and "came into England with Edward the Black Prince".  This would have been difficult because Edward died in 1376 on campaign in France of dysentery, and John Perient was then about six years of age.  What is more likely to have happened is that John Peraunt entered the service of the English and came into England with his family in the 1370s, particularly likely as we know that both Peraunt and Perient entered service with King Richard the Second (King from 1377 to 1399) who was a younger son of the Black Prince.

John Perient is said on his tomb to have been an Esquire to the Body to King Richard the Second (a sort of attendant and bodyguard if you will) of whom there were a number, and also his Pennon or Standard Bearer.  Given that Richard reigned for over 20 years (and others are named Standard bearer) it seems likely that John Perient acquired this latter honour in the later 1390s.

So Perient had taken an oath of allegiance to King Richard, but by all accounts Richard was not a great guy.  He was accounted a narcissist, a man who had an inflated idea of kingship when the notion of absolute monarchy was already beginning to weaken in England (in 1381 we had the Peasants Revolt  - during Richard's reign).  And so factions grew up among the nobles of England and there were several men who having royal blood, considered themselves rivals for the throne and sought to depose Dick.  And one of these was Henry Bolinbroke - Richard's first cousin and shortly to be King Henry the Fourth.

Bolinbroke had been exiled to France, and supposedly spent time in Brittany.  A widower since 1394, he stayed with the Duke of Brittany and his wife Joan of Navarre.  Joan was 31, no great beauty and had had eight children - but she had personality and charm and Henry was smitten with her and she with him.

Now 1399 was an eventful year for Henry.  First, there was something of a revolt and Henry deposed King Richard who was imprisoned.  Secondly the Duke of Brittany died, Harry's dream came true and he proposed to Joan of Navarre who readily accepted.  A happy ending.

But King Dick lived up to his name and over the twelve days of Christmas of 1399/1400 his supporters rose up and made an attempt to kill Henry at Windsor where they were having a Christmas Jousting Tournament.  It is called the Epiphany Rising.  Henry was warned and fled and began to raise an army.  The rebels were pursued all over England being caught and beheaded (if they were lucky) or hanged, drawn and quartered (if they were not) along the way.  The interesting thing is that I turned up a muster of Henry's army, and John Perient was there - the guy had seen the way the wind was blowing !

The former King Richard was quietly executed and in February 1400 Perient was rewarded for changing sides. Firstly he was made an Esquire to the Body of King Henry the Fourth.  I am not sure that I would have readily trusted a guy who switched sides so easily, but there you go.  And he was also I found swearing an oath of allegiance to Ralph Neville Earl Marshal of England (think head of the army) and Henry's chief supporter and brother in law.  Two salaries thus came Perient's way.

Although betrothed to King Henry, Joan of Navarre had stayed on in Brittany to tidy up things there and put things in order for her children, so that they could take over the Duchy.  She did not come to England and formerly marry King Henry until 1402.  With her she brought her Breton entourage, these including her "damsels" ie her ladies in waiting.  One of these we know was a certain Joan Risain.

John Perient married Joan Risain in about 1404, we do not have a date.  I made some superficial investigation into Joan's family back in the 1990s in the Guildhall Library, and the Coat of Arms on her tomb resemble those of the Raisen family of Kernault in Brittany, but I am guessing.  More research needs to be done.

The English had never been happy that King Henry had married what they considered a Frenchwoman.  And they were even more unhappy that she had brought into England a lot of foreigners and that, indeed, those foreigners were encouraging more to come over and they were all being treated preferentially.  There were riots on occasion and some foreigners were forced to go home.  But not John and Joan.  They and their heirs were granted English citizenship in 1411 and 1412 respectively and thus we find the following in the Patent Rolls:

This all brought financial dividends.  In 1411 John Perient was made Master of Horse to Joan of Navarre.  And Joan became the Chief Lady in Waiting.  The Queen was something of a fancy dresser, and we know from her tomb that Joan Perient was well dressed and had her hair exquisitely styled.

Now he was classed as an Englishman, Perient could take land in England.

Perient was friends with two Members of Parliament, John Derham and John Ludwick.  Both of these men lived near Hatfield in Hertfordshire (not far from Aston where the earliest Ginn family lived as it happens) and they encouraged John Perient and Joan to move near them.  They did.  Perient initially acquired the manor of Digswell (in Welwyn) and later the manors of Gobions and Lavares in Stapleford, Lockleys in Welwyn and before his death Holwell in Hatfield.  John Perient owned a fair chunk of what is today Welwyn Garden City.

Henry the Fourth died in 1413.  The heir was his son the famous Henry the Fifth, who by all accounts respected but was not enamoured of his stepmother Joan of Navarre.  She was treated quite shabbily and denied much of her income and retreated to the country.  We can assume that Joan Perient was no longer her lady in waiting

                 Tomb of Henry the Fourth and Joan of Navarre

We know from his tomb that Perient was now made an Esquire to the Body of Henry the Fifth.  Perient was in his early 40s.  This is when things start to get really interesting.

I have read history books, fiction and non fiction since I could read.  An early favourite novel was "The Gauntlet" by  Ronald Felton        (writing as Ronald Welch).  I read it in the early 1960s.  A young boy was on a misty hillside where he picked up a rusty knight's gauntlet that he saw in a ditch.  Holding it up and putting it on, he was transported, as if in a dream, back to the 1300s.  I felt a similar experience when I started to read the extensive original documentation left from the reign of King Henry the Fifth and the real people, including John Perient,  that framed the events of his reign.   I was there.

The English Kings, rightly or wrongly, had been claiming the throne of France for years, that was what all the fighting had been about.  A great deal of time, money and English and Welsh blood (England having control of Wales and Welsh longbowmen a treasured part of the English army) had been spilt in that pursuit.

Henry the Fifth now laid claim to the throne of France.  And the years 1413-15 were years spent preparing to invade. And so we come to the Agincourt campaign,

Henry the 5th needed an army, and he raised ten thousand men of England and Wales.  The men at arms, that is those fully armoured with lance and warhorse were composed of the nobility, the knights and esquires - the landed gentry.  Each of those was obliged to supply men according to his lands held from the King, and Perient held four manors each held on half a knight's fee, in other words in time of war his lands demanded he supply and equip two men at arms.

In 1415 King Henry was ready to invade France.  Sadly, in April of that year we know that Joan Perient died, likely in childbirth and leaving several infants.  We must assume that John Perient relied on servants to bring those up as in July he was ready to depart.

Back in the day I read an article which said that a certain Sir Harris Nicholas  had said that Perient had gone with the 1415 expedition that led to the Battle of Agincourt.  So I scuttled off to the Guildhall Library in London to find the book.  It turned out that that dated from 1832, and the author had himself scuttled off, this time to the British Museum  and had turned up the passport records (every English gentleman going needed a passport from the King to leave the Kingdom) of the officers of the expedition from the Norman Rolls (I have seen the entry) from which he knew that Perient had gone to France in 1415.   But he estimated the number of the little bundle of men that went with him, and in that estimate he was wrong.

Harris was correct as I say, both Perient and his friend and fellow King's Esquire Nicholas Aldwick were granted passports (3rd June 1415), and they were said to be "in the retinue of the King".  Now these words are important, this means that they were in the King's own unit, who would be called the King's Guard today, the sort of  Housecarls of the Saxon King Harold at Hastings in 1066, the men who had sworn the English "Blood Oath" to die in battle around the King.

                                                                 Henry the Fifth

Doscoveries in 2024 make it certain that Perient fought at the Battle of Agincourt.  And I can tell you who went with him on the campaign down to  the names of the men who went with him.  Life is short, and we are dead a long time, so I consider myself privileged to have read an original document from 1415 which is truly amazing, what is called the Agincourt Roll.

I was always a fan of the late Christopher Hibbert, researcher and historical writer.  And at the time I was researching Perient, I had a copy of Hibbert's "Agincourt".  Now Henry the Fifth led three expeditions to France, and Hibbert found a document that listed one of those armies, but which was the question, it was undated.  The argument went that it was the first expedition, crucially because several prominent men in the list were known to have been dead before the second expedition, indeed some died on the first, a persuasive argument.  Since I did my research in the 1990s, it appears to have become accepted generally that the document in question is a complete list by name of the men who went on the first invasion of France by King Henry the Fifth.

The Agincourt Roll (E/101/51/2 at the National Archives) is a remarkable thing.  It is like a huge roll of wallpaper, a foot or more wide, being pages of parchment sewn together.  It lists every man who went, down to the meanest soldier.  Perient was required to supply two men at arms (known as "Lances" in the Roll)  and six archers, the names

Lances

John Perient Esquire

Richard Hames Esquire

Archers

Richard Bassett

Thomas Toryton

John Teringham

Henry Smith

Thomas Rodhaw

Richard Welsh 

I was later delighted to discover that Richard Hames and Dick Bassett were both mentioned in Perient's will, so they survived two campaigns and remained close to him.  It seems likely Dick Bassett was the senior archer, perhaps the man centre left below..  It is also likely that Richard Welsh was a welsh man, a lot of archers in the English army were.  These men had been bred to the bow since early childhood, skeletons discovered show that they were incredibly muscular with distorted chests, an English longbowman's arrow with a bodkin point could easily pierce plate armour or chain mail or be driven four inches into a block of oak.  The longbowmen terrified the French, with good reason, there was no greater disgrace for a French aristocrat in full armour on warhorse, than to be brought down by an English peasant's arrow.

                                English archers at Agincourt 

The English army gathered at Southampton in July 1415 and landed in France (Normandy) in August, obviously the best time of the year to cross the English Channel.

They laid siege to Harfleur, a French stronghold.   My correspondent Barry Ginn alerted me to a website ( Medievalsoldier.org) that says that at this point Nicholas Aldwick was with Perient and his group. Henry the 5th calling on the English army "once more into the breach dear friends, once more, or close the wall up with our English dead".  But the truth is that there was a small French garrison, the English army mostly sat outside the walls getting dysentery and other diseases there being too many men in too close a proximity without sanitation, and, after negotiations with the French garrison the French surrendered and marched out.  Not much glory there then.

Now Henry had invaded with just over two thousand men at arms and about nine thousand archers.  It is said that about four hundred men at arms died at Harfleur, mostly of disease. Another four hundred were so ill that they had to be shipped home, unable to fight.  Many of those later died or were never to campaign again. Medievalsoldier.org says that Nicholas Aldwick was sadly one of them.  They get their information from paylists and account rolls.  Three hundred men at arms were left to garrison Harfleur and to guard the rear of the English army, because Henry had begun to realise that the French army greatly outnumbered his, that they were coming for him and he had to get back to England quickly. So he was determined to take what was left of his force including perhaps 900 men at arms back to England and, incredibly he chose to do that by marching north across part of France to Calais, which was an English possession, then to sail for home.  But he was marching across the face of the advancing French army and it was now September, moving into October and the weather was turning wet, the ground was muddy and many of the English were ill and getting sicker by the day, there was a shortage of food.

I have always thought that Perient was one of that "band of brothers" as Shakespeare called them.  He was to campaign with Henry again and Henry as we shall see, kept his close entourage and "body" knights and esquires with him.  And Medievalsoldier.org confirms my research. Now I am not going to retell the story of the Battle of Agincourt, but suffice it to say that on 25th October 1415 as many as 40,000 French men faced an English army of less than 10,000 men.  The English could have surrendered, as ever they decided to fight.

The day went pretty much like the Battle of Waterloo went exactly four hundred years later in 1815.  The English stood their ground, did not retreat a foot and let the French attack them in wave after wave.  There were in fact too many Frenchmen on a narrow front, they got in each other's way, Dick Bassett and his fellow archers were protected from French cavalry by dug in sharpened stakes and released volley after volley of arrows and the French men at arms were hit and fell, only to be chopped down on the ground by our mean at arms, or less gloriously stabbed through the eye pieces of their armour by the side daggers of the archers.  It was not pretty.  At the end of the day there were some ten thousand French dead, the English had no more than five hundred casualties, mostly wounded.  It was a miracle on the Feast Day of St Crispin Crispianus.  Shakespeare says it best, puts words in the mouth of Good King Harry once more.  I could not have said it better myself -

This story shall the good man teach his son;
And Crispin Crispian shall ne'er go by,
From this day to the ending of the world,
But we in it shall be rememberèd—
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;
For he to-day that sheds his blood with me
Shall be my brother; be he ne'er so vile,
This day shall gentle his condition;
And gentlemen in England now a-bed
Shall think themselves accurs'd they were not here,
And hold their manhoods cheap whiles any speaks
That fought with us upon Saint Crispin's day.

In 1832, Sir Harris Nicholas came up with the names of some five hundred or so of the men at arms who fought at Agincourt two of these I noticed were King's Esquires, but he said himself that he was some four hundred short.  Nobody will ever know the full list. What is known is that Perient was there.  He and his troop came back into England from Calais with 11 horses according to the pay lists and accounts.

The English army returned to London to great acclaim.  Perient had lost his wife.  He never married again.

King Henry the 5th was a determined man.  In 1417, he raised some twelve thousand men and invaded France again.  He was more successful this time.  After a savage massacre the English army took Caen in Normandy.  They then laid siege to Falaise.  I know Perient and his little band of brothers were there because they are mentioned in the Norman Rolls, and Perient was sent through Normandy with a Power of Attorney from the King.  In June 1418 our army was as Louviers and Perient was there, as were his men, but they were not named - just mentioned as his retinue..

Rouen surrendered in 1419 and that was it.  Henry the 5th set up his Head Quarters in Mantes, and I know Perient was there which reinforces my assertion that where the King was, so was Perient.

By 1420 our army was at the gates of Paris and the French surrendered.  Henry dished out rewards to many of his men, offering Englishmen castles and landholdings in France if they were stupid enough to accept.  Most declined, realising that they would never be able to leave their French possessions securely, and would be in constant battles with the French to keep them.  Because while the English had beaten the French, they did not have the population to conquer France.

In 1420 Perient was about 50.  You never hear of him in the King's service again.  He was not in Henry's third campaign of 1421/2.  He was clearly too old to campaign again

.From what I can see Perient returned to England and concentrated on building up his landholdings and refurbishing his manors - particularly that of Digswell where he lived.  It is at this time that I believe that he commissioned the manorial brass at Digwell, one of the finest in England.  Like the Pharoahs he was preparing for his death and a memorial.  For the record, Perient was never knighted, though one or two of his Perient descendants were.

Perient's will was made on 10th April 1432, he was in his early 60s.  He is said to have died  on the Monday before St George's Day (23rd April) 1432 (Inquisition Post Mortem).  He was the greatest of the Perients of Hertfordshire and it was a privilege to research him.

He left £200 to build a Chantry Chapel (where a priest would say prayers for him and Joan) at Digswell Church which still stands and is where he and Joan are buried.  You can visit them whenever you wish, they have lain there undisturbed for some 600 years.

             

Aquila Ginn of Reed End, Therfield died 1708

 Aquila Ginn was the eldest son of Aquila the elder of Great Hormead (see post of 14th August 2012  ).  He and his family have remained a footnote on my post on his father until now.  But in late 2023 I turned up two court cases and these gave me so much information that I felt compelled to create this post.

He was born in 1634 in Great Hormead.  His father lived to such a great age for the time that Aquila jnr never really inherited a lot, his father providing in life and, obviously, Aquila jnr tried to marry to advantage to affirm his position as a yeoman.

In about 1657/8 (during Cromwell's Commonwealth after the English Civil War when you were compelled to marry before a Justice of the Peace - so the marriage is lost) he married a lady called Joan or Joanna.  Until 2023 that is all I knew.  But as a result of a discovered court case see below (helpfully indexed under the name of Glynn) it seems likely that her maiden name was Battle or Battell and she came from Bassingbourn which straddles the Hertfordshire and Cambridgeshire border.  How they met I have no idea.

It seems clear that Aquila gained financially (and likely in land) from the union.  Joan clearly had a brother Robert of Royston (see below) and although the couple had a son, Aquila, in the Hormeads in 1659, by 1662 or so they had made the move to Bassingbourn in Cambridgeshire.  This is quite some distance from Great Hormead and I had always wondered the reason for such a move.

They had a daughter Elizabeth at Bassingbourn in 1663.  My suspicion is that there may have been other children I have no knowledge of.  They had no less than 5 Hearths there in the Hearth Tax record, but Aquila pleaded relative poverty to get his tax reduced, and my guess is that he was living in a house provided by or rented from the Battle family.

By 1670 I know that Aquila and Joan were in Therfield back in Hertfordshire, almost certainly in Reed End, where Aquila was to live for nearly the next forty years, until the end of his life.  Reed End, indeed the whole of this area is still almost completely rural.  But by this period the manorial copyhold system was already beginning to die out, and although Aquila is mentioned quite frequently in the manorial rolls that I found for this period in the Guildhall Library in London no less, he was not so much holding considerable copyhold land as holding manorial official posts, such as this of Constable.

For Aquila can be clearly seen to have been a tenant farmer, how the yeoman class were to be seen for the next two centuries.  He rented land on a short terms basis or rented on longer leases.  He seems to have lived in some hard earned comfort, but his existence was precarious.  Bad luck, bad weather or ill health would have treated him very unkindly.

Aquila witnessed the will of his distant cousin Francis Ginn of Therfield in 1673, with a certain Edward Mead, of whom more later.  Little Elizabeth, Aquila and Joan's daughter died at Therfield in 1675 and on the face of it the couple were now childless, and Joan herself died at Therfield in 1682.  

Edward Mead of Therfield died in 1679 leaving a widow Mary.  And in 1683 Aquila married Mary Mead "widow of Edward" at Great Hormead, doubtless surrounded by his family.  This was all I knew about this marriage until late 2023.

Mary Mead was born in Therfield in about 1640, but her maiden name was Gray - her parents being Anthony and Rose Gray.  For those interested in the Gray family (there is some nonsense on Ancestry) I will tell the story

Anthony Gray was born in Therfield (to another Anthony) at the beginning of 1600.  His was a very solid Yeoman family.  He married Rose Fison at Cambridge in 1625 and they had a large family, not all the baptism entries surviving - namely Rose (1628)  Anthony jnr (1629) Elizabeth (1631) Henry (1634) Edward and Mary.  Anthony snr had a good deal of land both in Therfield and Sandon in Herts (the latter near Buntingford)

The children are interesting and to help

Rose married Job Holmstead of Queenhithe in the City of London (a Feltmaker - ie a Hatter) at St Botolph Bishopsgate in 1657.  I cannot find any reference to issue and Job was dead by 1664.

Anthony jnr married Ann Fillney at Therfield in 1657.  They had one son, also Anthony in 1660 and then Anthony jnr was also dead by 1664.  Anthony Gray snr referred to Ann as his daughter and she and the infant were very well cared for in his will.  Whether little Anthony survived is unknown.

Elizabeth clearly married Jeremiah Downes of Hertford at distant Great Amwell in 1652.  This was a little scary for me.  Because Jeremiah Downes was one of the sons of Hezekiah Downes of Hertford.  And Hezekiah is an old friend of mine.  He was a Hertford Blacksmith, also a Burgess and the Mace bearer to the Corporation.  He was strongly involved for Parliament (as were his sons) in the English Civil War and is mentioned in not only the story of Richard Ginn of Ware, but also that of Peter Ginn, also a Blacksmith of Hertford.  It now appears that Aquila Ginn here was the brother in law of his sons!  I was astonished.  It illustrates the small population of the 1600s and the relatively small gene pool of the yeoman and tradesman class.  For the record, Jeremiah (some sort of builder) and Elizabeth had a son, also Jeremiah in 1660, who some say went to Harpenden and established a drapery business - I will leave it with you

Edward took all the land in Mardleybury Manor in Therfield - he clearly married and reputedly died in 1705.

Henry - inherited all the land in Sandon - was alive in 1664 - nothing more is known.

Mary Gray clearly married Edward Mead, where and when unknown.  Mary like her sisters was an eligible spinster.  Anthony Gray senior died in 1664 (will PCC) and on his death he left a lot of bequests, a lot of them tied to the life of his widow Rose and payable upon her death and even more conditional upon whether little Anthony above (his grandson) survived to his majority.  Mary received £50 when her father died.  If little Anthony had died she would have been quite a catch.  And upon her mother's death (1687/8) she was due an additional £70.

So, when Rose Gray snr died in 1688 Edward Gray's worst nightmare came true.  His siblings went to him for their money.  Had he laid it aside over the years he would have been alright, and he clearly had some, because some bequests were allegedly paid out.  But not Mary's £70, Ted's cloud has a silver lining for me, because Aquila sued (C8/350/180 ).

The Bill of Complaint had some gaps for essential information (eg Anthony Gray's death) and that, together with the absence of an Answer (defence) from Edward Gray leads me to the conclusion that the case was settled.  The lands in Therfield had been charged with payment of the legacies and Aquila was suing for land in lieu of the money, so he and Edward obviously came to some arrangement. So in 1689 Aquila acquired a little money through his wife.

In 1694 Aquila was 60.  But he was clearly an energetic and active chap and up for a challenge.

The next story starts in North Yorkshire of all places.  This is a lot of research imparted lightly.  How these people moved around is a genealogist's nightmare

In 1630, a lad called John Cockett was born in Yorkshire.  A poor boy, he went to Giggleswick School, a charity school.  Giggleswick chose one bright poor pupil every year to get a scholarship to Cambridge University, and in the mid 1640s John was the lucky one.  He got two degrees, entered the Church and in 1660 this chap was made the Rector of the parish of Reed in Hertfordshire.  The church is shown below, Aquila Ginn is buried in the churchyard.

In 1668 the no nonsense yorkshireman John Cockett married an Ann Flexmer (daughter of Francis) in London and in 1670 they had their only child, a son Francis, at Reed.  In 1693 Francis Cockett, Gentleman of Holborn in London (he had rooms there) married Alice Battle of Royston in Herts in Soho, London.  And in 1694 they had their only known child Ann while living in Royston.  They were back in London by 1695.  You can see how this is starting to come together.

Now, in 1655 or so another character in this story was born, a Christopher Cooper was born near Buntingford, likely in Reed (his family had land there).  Little Christopher also went to a charity school in Buntingford and (no jokes) it is said caught the eye of a local Bishop who put Chris forward for the church and Christopher Cooper also went to Cambridge University.  This could be called the "Clergymen's Tale".

Christopher Cooper became the Vicar of Bishops Stortford in Hertfordshire.  He as a Latin scholar and wrote books on latin grammar (bestsellers no doubt)  and became the Headmaster of Bishops Stortford Grammar School.  He comes over as a little pompous.  In 1686, thorough the auspices of the Church of England he had a vicarage (now called "The Old Vicarage" it still stands) built at Bishops Stortford.  The house is important as it figures in Aquila's story.

In 1697 (C7/133/9) all of the stars aligned and, in a court case, all of this came together.

It appears that Christopher Cooper had a house and thirty four acres of land in Reed to be granted by lease.  The house was a bit dilapidated but Aquila Ginn was up for the challenge and in 1694 he negotiated with Cooper to take a lease for 6 years at £25 a year and to renovate the house for his occupation, Cooper rebating (ie reducing) the rent at the start to allow for the work Aquila and Mary needed to do.

Aquila was unknown to Cooper and Cooper later said (hindsight being a wonderful thing) that he had heard reports of Aquila's "ill character" and had got on his horse and ridden from Bishops Stortford to Royston (a fair trek) to check Aquila out.  It is clear that Chris went to see the 24 year old Francis Cockett who was then in Royston (likely residing at the Tabard Inn) for a reference.  It does not necessarily follow that he had heard ill reports of Aquila.

All went well.  The Lease was drawn up by a scrivener called Brown, known to Cockett said the Reverend Cooper but "an utter stranger" to him.  On the 29th November 1694, the sixty year old Aquila Ginn himself travelled down to Bishops Stortford and walked into what is now the Old Vicarage above.  He signed the lease.  He later claimed that he had not read it and my guess is that Aquila was illiterate.

It went wrong of course.  Aquila renovated the house but the good Reverend refused to rebate the rent for the amount Aquila claimed, so Aquila sued.

Now the central figure in this story, the elephant in the room is Francis Cockett, gentleman.  Because I have not mentioned a couple of things.  Firstly, Cockett was a joint plaintiff with Aquila. And the reason for that is that when Cooper rode to see him in Royston, Francis Cockett did more than give Aquila a good reference, he not only stood surety for the rent, but he gave Cooper a financial bond guaranteeing if Aquila could not pay.  Given that Francis Cockett was 24, newly married with a babe in arms- why did he do that ?

Francis was not in business with Aquila, that is clear. And it seems unlikely that Aquila was a long term friend of John Cockett.  And, anyway,  John Cockett had died aged 63 in 1693 (will PCC) still the Rector of Reed. And although Francis and Alice had had their first child at Royston no doubt surrounded by her family, Frank had taken the family to London by 1695 and his widowed Mum Ann had gone with them  She died in Bishopsgate (living there 1695 - Inhabitants Outside the Walls) in 1696 (will PCC)  Both she and John made much mention of the Battle family in their wills, and it is clear that they had known Alice some years before she had married Francis.

So it is the Battle family that I turned my attention to, and particularly Robert Battle of Royston, Alice's dad. Alice was born in 1666.  Now Royston (as the name hints) had had ancient links to the monarchy, and in the first half of the 1600s there was something of a royal palace or at least large residence (below) there which gave employment and benefited tradesmen of the town while the royal entourage of the Stuart kings was there.

This made Royston a somewhat unusual place during the English Civil War as, in an area declared for Parliament, it sheltered more than a few closet Royalists.

And Royston was also an important spot on the Great North Road from London to Cambridge and had many inns and alehouses.  One of these was the Tabard Inn which went back to Tudor times and was in the High Street near the Cross.  It is sadly long gone.

The sign of the Tabard

Robert Battle owned the Tabard Inn and three or four other properties besides. But Bob did not come from Royston but rather Cambridgeshire, and most of his property likely came to him from his father in law, Tom Turner.  Now I know this because in 1674 Robert Battle and his wife Ann pursued a court case over the estate of her late father.  And, like Robert, Thomas Turner is known to have been an Inn Keeper in Royston, and an inn keeper who during the English Civil War was accused of using the Inn to recruit men for the King's army, so Tom was an open Royalist.

Cavaliers at an Inn

Now Robert Battle married Ann Turner at Bassingbourn in 1660, Ann being a Royston girl as I say and Robert clearly born to a William Battle in Bassingbourn (Bob having brothers Leonard, William jnr who married Mary Man or Mann in 1668 and as sister I am figuring our Joan ).  And in 1662 or so Aquila had made that strange journey to Bassingbourn that I have never been able to explain, logically given what we know of him, going after whatever advantage he might be able to gain from the Battles.  This would make him  Alice Cockett's (Battle) Uncle by marriage and would explain why Francis might had stood surety for him.

Sadly I know nothing more of Francis Cockett, he was alive aged 27 in 1697.  His daughter Ann was still alive at the end of 1697 as she is mentioned in the will of Robert Battle (PCC).

My suspicion is that the second legal case was also settled and Aquila and Mary lived on in some comfort.

Now the average Englishman of the 1600s was not the polite, restrained and cold Englishman of the Victorian era.  These were combative and loud.  And so it was with Aquila.  Civil court cases aside, he was also involved in a criminal case involving John Warren and his wife Cecily of Reed End who were convicted of assaulting him.

Aquila and Mary hopefully spent their last years in some quiet comfort.  He died in 1708 aged 74 and is buried at Reed. Mary is as yet untraced.

Children of Aquila and Joan

Aquila - born 1659 died in infancy

Elizabeth - born 1663 at Bassingbourn died 1675 aged 12 at Therfield

But were there more ?  This is the question.  If Aquila was still such a friend of the Battles and Cocketts in 1694 with his first wife having died quite some years before - did he still have children living ?  Time may give the answer perhaps